Shortly after letting Michael Jackson skip out of the courtroom, one juror clarified the acquittal’s symbolism for reporters: “That’s not to say he’s an innocent man… He probably has molested boys.” Foreman Paul Rodriguez even cautioned the pop star “to be careful how he conducts himself around children.” In other words, while the accusations were palpably true, the jury simply wouldn’t convict a black celebrity. The only difference, then, between Michael and O.J. is the belief that Simpson, despite his road rage arrest and the disturbing 9-1-1 calls from his daughter, is unlikely to kill again. In a countering salvo, Jackson’s attorney stated the singer would no longer share his bed with young boys. What does this mean? That Jacko will only slake his perversion in the shower or under a Neverland picnic table? The Almighty, among many, was thoroughly disgusted by the verdict and unleashed a sizeable earthquake off the coast of California. Remarkably, throughout the trial and subsequent tsunami warning, the Jackson clan held fast. Though Tito and Jermaine have yet to comment publicly, brother Phil was visibly unraveled by the series of events and sought refuge by resigning with the Lakers.
While Robert Blake may serve as evidence to the contrary, juries are less enamored with celebrity than with exacting revenge for generalized (and, in the main, historical) acts of racial discrimination. Payback (for people of color) or Guilt (for whitey) is the covert animus for desecrating our legal system. Even though slavery was abolished by the 13th Amendment back in 1865, the scars have yet to heal and we remain obsessed with (literally) dredging up the past. Emmett Till, murdered 50 years ago, was exhumed from his grave earlier this month so forensic experts could search his corpse for bullet fragments. To what end? In 1955, an all-white jury acquitted Roy Bryant and J.W. Milam who later confessed to the crime. Disregarding the fact that Bryant and Milam are, at this point, unmistakably dead, Joyce Chiles, district attorney for Mississippi’s Fourth District hopes the autopsy will provide “identity and cause of death,” elements disputed during the trial. Is Chiles attempting to wring out today’s racial injustices by tidying up the past? Whether Till was beaten to death or shot remains fundamentally immaterial; either way, he’s not coming home.
Neither, for that matter, is 80-year-old Ku Klux Klansman Edgar Ray Killen who was just this week given 20 years for killing three civil rights workers in 1964. The nationally-renowned murders were the subject of the film “Mississippi Burning” and drove prosecutor Mark Duncan to “remove the stain” on Neshoba County. This cleansing business seems all the rage now; even the U.S. Senate focused on burnishing its image after failing to pass any of the 200 anti-lynching bills offered since 1890. “More than a half-century ago, mere feet from where we sit,” admitted Mary Landrieu (D-LA) to a gallery of victims’ descendants, “ the Senate failed you and your ancestors and our nation.” Because most of the 4,743 citizens killed by mob action between 1882 and 1968 were African Americans, co-sponsor of Senate Resolution 39, George Allen (R-VA), sought to correct “the failure of the Senate to take action when action was most needed.” Ironically, the nonbinding resolution only issues a flimsy apology and does not, in any way, render lynching illegal.
Perhaps this grotesque oversight, like so many legislative blunders of late, should be laid at the polished loafers of Majority Leader Bill Frist (R-TN). On the eve of detonating the so-called “nuclear option” against a Democratic filibuster, Frist was smartly outflanked by John McCain (R-AZ). McCain orchestrated a deal among 14 colleagues (equally divided by party) which limited use of the filibuster to “extraordinary circumstances” — like keeping John Bolton out of the United Nations — in exchange for a floor vote on three of President Bush’s more repugnant judicial nominees. McCain, who will likely joust with Frist for the 2008 Republican presidential nomination, was credited with pulling the Senate “back from a precipice that would have had… lasting [and] damaging impact on the institution.” Senate Minority Leader Harry Reid (D-NV) gloated, “We have sent President George Bush, Vice President Dick Cheney, and the radical arm of the Republican base an undeniable message: Abuse of power will not be tolerated… your attempt to trample the Constitution and grab absolute control is over.” Frist, demoted to the Capitol’s court eunuch, was left to grumble that the accord “falls short” of his objectives and that “it will require careful monitoring.”
Nothing, rather no one, was more carefully monitored than Terri Schiavo in her final months on life support. Frist, you may recall, spearheaded the unprecedented effort to move Terri’s case under federal jurisdiction. A practicing heart surgeon, Dr. Bill took the to Senate floor and declared that Terri’s doctors erroneously diagnosed her as being in a permanent vegetative state: “I question it based on a review of the video footage which I spent an hour or so looking at last night in my office. She certainly seems to respond to visual stimuli.” An autopsy completed earlier this week concluded that Schiavo suffered from “massive” brain damage and neuronal loss, particularly “in her occipital lobes, which indicates cortical BLINDNESS.” The news, which vindicated husband Michael Schiavo, spread like wildfire across D.C. “Christ!” reacted one senator during lunch at La Colline. “That Frist is such a moron, I wouldn’t let him operate on this fucking mango.”